Tuesday, 26 January 2016

To Have and to Hold: Historical Sketch

Notes from the historical sketch in David Atkinson, To Have and to Hold: The Marriage Covenant and the Discipline of Divorce (St James’s Place, London: Collins, 1979), see previous post. Emphases added. I have written up further notes from chapter 3 (marriage as covenant), chapter 4 (background and biblical evidence), chapter 5 here (principles for a Christian view of divorce) and here (applications of these principles), and chapter 6 (pastoral questions).

 “the evidence from the earliest centuries is open to difference in interpretation...even in Augustine, one of the clearest early exponents of the indissolubility of the marriage bond, the question arises especially (only?) for Christians, and is primarily one of moral impermissibility rather than one of ontological impossibility...

What is less open to difference of interpretation is the evidence that after the beginning of the sixth century there was a divergence between the Greek and Latin Churches on the possibility and therefore permissibility of divorce with right of remarriage...Some commentators regard this as a continuation of the position of some of the Fathers (Origen, Basil in particular) for whom the remarriage of divorced persons can be said to be justifiable in some cases as the lesser of two evils, although contrary to the Scriptural ideal for marriage. Others...who interpret Origen, Basil and others as in fact upholding the divine law of the indissolubility of marriage, regard the practice of the Eastern Church from the sixth century as an increasingly lax and inexcusable departure from this law.” (p. 43)

“As we have noted...at the time of the Fathers marriage was a bond of permanent moral obligation. By the time of the medieval schoolmen, indissolubility had come to mean in addition an ontological vinculum which could not be broken – at least in respect of consummated marriages of baptized believers. One can point to some relaxations of the absoluteness of this law in the intervening centuries, but the reforms of Hildegard at Cluny ended these concessions and (to quote Winnett),
The Decretum of Gratian, compiled shortly before the middle of the twelfth century, laid down that a consummated marriage admitted of no dissolution. The marriage bond could not be severed by adultery, and still less by other causes. Though separation for adultery was permitted, remarriage was forbidden. From the time of Gratian to the Reformation, the doctrine of indissolubility in the Western Church, at least in respect of the consummated marriage of Christians.
Marriages contracted by unbelievers were in certain cases capable of dissolution. Innocent III had at the end of the twelfth century embodied the ‘Pauline Privilege’ into the canonical legislation of the Church.” (pp. 44-45)

The continental Reformers abandoned the principle of absolute indissolubility upheld by the Western Churches during the Middle Ages for both theological and pastoral reasons. “And they believed that in doing so, they were recalling the Church to the Scriptural teaching on marriage and divorce. This is not to say that they abandoned the divine ideal of permanence in marriage, nor indeed failed to insist on it as a moral obligation...Rather, they upheld that ideal and that obligation very strongly. They did, however, allow that while the marriage bond should not be dissolved, there were Scriptural grounds on which dissolution should be legitimate though not mandatory, and the right of remarriage upheld. (Only a very few regarded divorce as mandatory in these circumstances.).” (p. 50).

“We can summarize the position of the Continental Reformers as best exemplified by Peter Martyr, therefore, in four main points. First, they upheld and proclaimed the divine ideal and moral obligation of the permanence of marriage. Second, they were united in holding the lawfulness of divorce a vinculo for adultery and malicious desertion (and a few extended the grounds to include cruelty (Luther), and even disease (Bucer)). Third, they believed that the jurisdiction of marriage discipline and divorce provisions should be in the hands of the State. Fourth, they believed that when a divorce was lawfully granted, this was coupled with right of remarriage.” (p. 57). [1] 

“Archbishop Cranmer’s attitude closely resembled that of Peter Martyr. The Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum, Cranmer’s proposed revised Canon Law which never reached Statute, permitted divorce with right of remarriage for adultery, malicious desertion, prolonged absence without news, attempts against the partner’s life, cruelty.” (p. 64)

Both [G. H.] Joyce [Christian Marriage (Sheed and Ward, 1948)] and much more fully [A. R.] Winnett [Divorce and Remarriage in Anglicanism (Macmillan 1958) and Divorce and the Church (A. R. Mowbray, 1968)] document the position from the end of the sixteenth century: ‘The Church of England officially committed to the old standards of law and practice concerning marriage, but side by side with this the opinion held by many influential Churchmen that adultery dissolved the marriage bond and that the innocent husband was free to remarry, an opinion which in a number of instances found expression in practice’ (by Special Acts of Parliament). That division of opinion on the question of absolute indissolubility has been characteristic of Anglican history ever since. Indeed, the Lambeth Conference of 1888 expressly noted that division [in Resolution 4(a)].” (p. 62)


[1] The study by H. J. Selderhuis, Marriage and Divorce in the Thought of Martin Bucer (Kirksville, Miss.: Thomas Jefferson University Press, 1999) examines one of the most significant contributions of that time, putting it in context and including a discussion of reaction to Bucer’s ideas at the time.